---
title: "On the treatment of super-heavy syllables in — Bokhari 2021"
description: "The paper asks why Arabic dialects handle word-internal \"potential super-heavy\" syllables (CVVC, CVCC, CVCː rhymes, which would need three moras where…"
authors: ["Hassan Bokhari"]
year: 2021
venue: "Papers in Historical Phonology 6"
source: "http://journals.ed.ac.uk/pihph/article/view/6668"
doi: "10.2218/pihph.6.2021.6668"
licence: "CC BY (journal licence per DOAJ; Papers in Historical Phonology)"
licence_url: "https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/"
summary_licence: "Elamur Cosmic License"
canonical: "https://research.elamur.ai/free/en/papers/bokhari-2021-treatment-super-heavy-syllables-arabic/"
---
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# On the treatment of super-heavy syllables in Arabic Dialects: an Optimality Theoretic approach to historical typology

**Authors:** Hassan Bokhari · **Year:** 2021 · **Venue:** Papers in Historical Phonology 6 · **Licence:** [CC BY (journal licence per DOAJ; Papers in Historical Phonology)](https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/)

**Links:** [Publisher's page](https://doi.org/10.2218/pihph.6.2021.6668) · [PDF](https://journals.ed.ac.uk/pihph/article/download/6668/8933) · [DOI 10.2218/pihph.6.2021.6668](https://doi.org/10.2218/pihph.6.2021.6668) · [OpenAlex](https://openalex.org/W4200448797)

**Citations:** 1 citations (openalex-snapshot · 2026-10-14)

## Summary
The paper asks why Arabic dialects handle word-internal "potential super-heavy" syllables (CVVC, CVCC, CVCː rhymes, which would need three moras where two is the limit) in different ways. Some dialects insert a vowel, some shorten the vowel, and some keep the form but leave the third slot weightless. Bokhari analyses six varieties (Hijazi, Egyptian, Emirati, Kuwaiti, Algerian, Palestinian) in Optimality Theory. One shared set of universal, independently motivated constraints is used for all of them, so the grammars differ only in how those constraints are ranked. The author then applies Cho's (1998) historical OT, where every change either creates or removes a single pairwise ranking, and counts the reranking steps that separate the grammars. The result is a set of nested innovations drawn as a wave diagram. In the abstract, these step counts stand in for the linguistic-difference metric in Wichmann et al.'s (2010) homeland method, which points to the Hijaz area as the dialects' homeland. The study shows that constraint ranking can serve as a measurable distance for historical typology.

## Key points
- Constraints used include *σμμμ (no trimoraic syllables), DEP-V (no inserted vowels), MAX-μV (keep vowel moras), WBP (weight-by-position) and *CCC (no three-consonant sequences).
- Kuwaiti, Algerian and Palestinian are conservative and keep all such forms faithful, because DEP-V and MAX-μV are undominated and *σμμμ outranks WBP.
- Emirati breaks up only three-consonant clusters (/bint-na/) because *CCC outranks DEP-V.
- Hijazi also inserts a vowel in /naːr-na/ because WBP and *σμμμ dominate DEP-V. Egyptian differs only in ranking DEP-V above MAX-μV, so it shortens instead and gives [nar.na].
- The wave diagram has three circles: the first covers Emirati, Hijazi and Egyptian; the second covers Hijazi and Egyptian; the third covers Egyptian alone. The conclusion lists the homeland application as future work.

## Interesting ideas
- All varieties share one fixed inventory of soft constraints, and variation is expressed purely as a different priority order, which keeps the analyses directly comparable. — For Mova (tree): UD dialect conversion could be modelled as one shared set of attachment and labelling preferences with a per-treebank ordering, so each conversion difference is an explicit, inspectable reranking.
- The distance between two grammars is counted in atomic operations (add a ranking or remove one), so a full reversal costs two steps rather than one. — For Mova (learn): self-induced repair rule sets or parser configurations could be compared by the number of atomic priority edits between them, giving an explainable "how far apart" metric across model versions.
- To test whether a constraint really drives a grammar, it is demoted or dropped and the winners are checked for change; *CCC turns out to be inert in Hijazi but essential in Emirati. — For Mova (learn): rules in the frames or repair layers could be ablated one at a time as a negative control, keeping only those whose removal changes outputs.
- In the wave diagram, the conservative dialects are not grouped together, because merely lacking innovations is not evidence of a relationship. — For Mova (learn): when clustering witness parsers or error profiles, only shared deviations should count as similarity, not shared default behaviour.
- A rich structural distance (reranking steps) is swapped into an existing quantitative method (homeland estimation) in place of a crude difference score. — For Mova (world): knowledge-graph comparisons, such as between versions of a text's world, could plug structured edit counts into standard clustering methods instead of overlap scores.

*Our summary of the paper, in our own words — not its text. The work belongs to its authors; read it at the links above.*

Fields: [Linguistics & languages](https://md.research.elamur.ai/free/en/shelves/linguistics/)

## Cite

The paper itself, not this page. BibTeX from the library's record of the work.

```bibtex
@inproceedings{bokhari2021treatment,
  title = {{On the treatment of super-heavy syllables in Arabic Dialects: an Optimality Theoretic approach to historical typology}},
  author = {Bokhari, Hassan},
  booktitle = {Papers in Historical Phonology 6},
  year = {2021},
  doi = {10.2218/pihph.6.2021.6668},
  url = {https://doi.org/10.2218/pihph.6.2021.6668}
}
```

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