---
title: "Free choice and presuppositional exhaustification — Pinal 2024"
description: "The paper tackles free choice (FC): why Olivia can take Logic or Algebra is understood as granting… 67 references, cited by 2 papers here."
authors: ["Guillermo Del Pinal", "Itai Bassi", "Uli Sauerland"]
year: 2024
venue: "Semantics and Pragmatics"
source: "https://semprag.org/index.php/sp/article/view/sp.17.3"
doi: "10.3765/sp.17.3"
licence: "CC BY 3.0"
licence_url: "https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/3.0/"
summary_licence: "Elamur Cosmic License"
canonical: "https://research.elamur.ai/free/en/papers/pinal-2024-free-choice-presuppositional-exhaustification/"
---
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# Free choice and presuppositional exhaustification

**Authors:** [Guillermo Del Pinal](https://md.research.elamur.ai/free/en/authors/guillermo-del-pinal/), [Itai Bassi](https://md.research.elamur.ai/free/en/authors/itai-bassi/) and [Uli Sauerland](https://md.research.elamur.ai/free/en/authors/uli-sauerland/) · **Year:** 2024 · **Venue:** [Semantics and Pragmatics](https://md.research.elamur.ai/free/en/venues/semantics-and-pragmatics/) ([Semantics and Pragmatics 2024](https://md.research.elamur.ai/free/en/venues/semantics-and-pragmatics/2024/)) · **Publisher:** [Linguistic Society of America](https://md.research.elamur.ai/free/en/publishers/linguistic-society-of-america/) · **Licence:** [CC BY 3.0](https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/3.0/)

**Links:** [Publisher's page](https://doi.org/10.3765/sp.17.3) · [PDF](https://semprag.org/index.php/sp/article/download/sp.17.3/3081) · [DOI 10.3765/sp.17.3](https://doi.org/10.3765/sp.17.3) · [OpenAlex](https://openalex.org/W4392030472)

**Citations:** 5 citations (OpenAlex, 2026-10-14) · 2 in our library, of the 149,439 papers whose bibliographies we read

## Summary
The paper tackles free choice (FC): why *Olivia can take Logic or Algebra* is understood as granting both options, even though classical modal logic only yields a disjunction of possibilities. Exhaustification-based ("Grammatical") theories derive FC and the double prohibition reading of negated versions. But they struggle when these sentences are embedded under negative factives, inside disjunctions that should filter presuppositions, or under quantifiers. The authors extend their earlier proposal that the covert exhaustifier is a presupposition trigger, called pex. Under pex, the prejacent is asserted, and the excluded or included alternatives are placed at a non-at-issue level. For ◇∨, ¬◇∨, □∧ and ¬□∧ sentences, this gives a classical assertion plus a homogeneity presupposition (e.g., ◇T ↔ ◇B). Applying pex locally and using ordinary rules for projection, filtering and accommodation solves the embedded puzzles in a uniform way. The work matters because it keeps classical semantics, simplifies the machinery, and treats exhaustive inferences as projective content rather than as part of what is asserted.

## Key points
- The operator is pex^{IE+II}. It asserts the prejacent while presupposing what innocent exclusion and inclusion deliver, a design taken from Del Pinal 2021 and from the 2021 work of Bassi, Del Pinal & Sauerland.
- Basic FC comes out as the classical meaning ◇(T∨B) plus the homogeneity presupposition ◇T↔◇B. Together these yield ◇T∧◇B, and the same structure gives double prohibition under negation.
- The paper addresses the "presupposed & filtering FC puzzles":
  - negative factives such as *unaware* (Marty & Romoli 2022);
  - disjunctive filtering (Romoli & Santorio 2019);
  - universal and existential quantifiers (Bar-Lev & Fox 2020);
  - non-monotonic quantifiers like *exactly n* (Gotzner, Romoli & Santorio 2020).
- Unlike most Lexicalist rivals (Aloni, Goldstein, Rothschild & Yablo), the account directly predicts negative FC for ¬□∧ sentences.
- Published in Semantics and Pragmatics 17(3), 52 pages. Funded by ERC grant No 856,421.

## Interesting ideas
- An enrichment can be kept as a separate background layer rather than merged into the literal claim, so it projects through embeddings like a presupposition.
- One biconditional "homogeneity" constraint (both options possible or neither) captures FC and double prohibition at once, depending on the assertion it combines with.
- Applying the strengthening locally and letting standard projection rules handle the rest replaces ever more complex global operations over alternative sets.
- By default, a parse with strengthening is dropped whenever it would make the overall meaning weaker, as under negation.
- The theory is tested by placing the same core sentence under negation, factives, disjunction, and every/some/exactly-n quantifiers, and checking each predicted inference.

## For Mova

How these ideas could serve Mova, our small open language model — its files, stages and tests:

- **I1** (frames): crate prag could tag each implicature it derives as a presupposed layer apart from the asserted frame, so negation and attitude verbs treat it differently.
- **I2** (world): the text world could store disjunctive permissions as a classical fact plus an all-or-nothing constraint, then derive both permissions or both prohibitions by plain inference.
- **I3** (frames): implicatures could be computed per clause, with a generic presupposition-projection pass, instead of hand-written rules for each embedding context.
- **I4** (answer): when an answer depends on an ambiguous permission or prohibition, the reader could prefer the strongest coherent reading and still explain why.
- **I5** (learn): this suggests a minimal-pair evaluation suite for implicature, with embedded-context variants serving as negative controls against shallow pattern matching.

*Our summary of the paper, in our own words — not its text. The work belongs to its authors; read it at the links above.*

## Institutions

- [University of Massachusetts Amherst](https://md.research.elamur.ai/free/en/universities/university-of-massachusetts-amherst/) — University, Amherst Center, United States · 106 works · 66,692 citations
- [Leibniz-Centre General Linguistics](https://md.research.elamur.ai/free/en/labs/leibniz-centre-general-linguistics/) — Research institute, Berlin, Germany · 7 works · 78 citations

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🧭 Topics (1): [😉 Implicature](https://md.research.elamur.ai/free/en/topics/implicature/) · 138 works

## Cite

Cite as: Guillermo Del Pinal, Itai Bassi and Uli Sauerland. 2024. Free choice and presuppositional exhaustification. Semantics and Pragmatics.

The paper itself, not this page. BibTeX from the library's record of the work.

```bibtex
@article{pinal2024free,
  title = {{Free choice and presuppositional exhaustification}},
  author = {Guillermo {Del Pinal}, Itai Bassi and Uli Sauerland},
  journal = {Semantics and Pragmatics},
  year = {2024},
  doi = {10.3765/sp.17.3},
  url = {https://doi.org/10.3765/sp.17.3}
}
```

- [← previous FBI-LLM: Scaling Up Fully Binarized LLMs from Scratch via Autoregressive Distillation](https://md.research.elamur.ai/free/en/papers/ma-2024-fbi-llm-scaling-up-fully/)
- [next → GRIN: GRadient-INformed MoE](https://md.research.elamur.ai/free/en/papers/liu-2024-grin-gradient-informed-moe/)
- [↑ back to papers of 2024](https://md.research.elamur.ai/free/en/papers/2024/page/10/)

## References

67 references, 4 of them with a card of ours. ↗ leads to the work, «find» searches for one we have no id for yet.

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